Greater than three weeks after the demise of 22-year-old Mahsa Ahmini for disobeying Iran’s strict legal guidelines, which make it obligatory for girls to put on the hijab – or Islamic scarf – protests proceed to rage on the streets of all main cities. On Saturday, protesters even managed to hack into Iran’s greatest information channel to broadcast their message to the entire nation.
A broadcast that includes supreme chief, Ali Khamenei, in a gathering with state officers, was changed by photographs of protesters who’ve died within the violent crackdown on dissent in Iran. The favored chant, “lady, life, freedom”, which has grow to be the slogan of the protests, had been integrated right into a track, an excerpt of which was broadcast as have been requires viewers to “be part of us and stand up”.
It’s estimated that 185 folks, together with at the very least 19 kids, have been killed since information of Amini’s demise emerged on September 16. It has been reported that 14 members of Iran’s safety forces have additionally been killed.
The “hijab protests” have grown from the outrage of Iranian feminists on the nation’s oppressive morality police to a common expression of resistance and discontent with the Islamic Republic itself. There have been stories of common strikes in a number of cities.

EPA-EFE/Sedat Suna
There are parallels with the 1979 revolution that toppled the final shah of Iran. Girls performed a serious function in that rebellion, too, carrying the hijab to indicate their rejection of the ban on the pinnacle masking decreed by the shah’s father in 1936 – later overturned, however nonetheless an emblem of the repressive monarchy.
However, if the 1979 revolution delivered the long-sought-after independence from western imperialism, it additionally delivered the folks of Iran to an authoritarian model of patriarchy. And the hijab, which many ladies had taken to carrying in defiance of the shah’s regime, shortly turned a instrument of the Islamic Republic’s oppression of ladies.
However the rise of the Islamic Republic’s morality police, imposing gender separation in public, and more and more in non-public, affected everybody’s freedom: women and men alike. As in 1979, protests have been fiercest in colleges and universities, however there are indicators they’re spreading to a broader cross-section of society. Many individuals are indignant on the regime’s dealing with of the economic system within the face of western sanctions and the hardline authorities’s seeming incompetence in negotiating a take care of Washington that might reduce the affect of these restrictions.
This isn’t a revolution
I’ve been requested a number of occasions prior to now three weeks the identical questions as I used to be requested throughout the mass protests of 2009: “Is that this a revolution? Will it carry down the regime?” My reply must be analytical. Within the so-called “Inexperienced Motion” of 2009, a whole lot of 1000’s of Iranians took to the streets to protest the disputed re-election of Mahmoud Ahmedinejad. Then too, the killing of a younger Iranian lady, 26-year-old Neda Agha-Soltan – who was shot throughout an anti-government protest – enraged the populace even additional.
On the time, I wrote an article for The Guardian, which was given the headline: Iran: This isn’t a revolution. The article identified the variations between the mass protests that yr and the revolution of 1979 that had toppled the late shah – not solely the issue the protesters had in figuring out a “unhealthy man” responsible, but additionally declaring that the regime was open to a level of flexibility and concession. The identical headline might be used now to explain latest occasions. And right here’s what my analysis suggests to me.

EPA-EFE/Abedin Taherkenareh
For a begin, governments normally have grow to be more proficient at utilizing know-how to handle populations. There was widespread use of social media in Iran, which has excessive web penetration and a technology of tech-savvy youth studying the way to use on-line instruments to mobilise opposition. However the Islamic Republic can be adept at controlling our on-line world, even those that attempt to use digital non-public networks and different know-how utilized by Iranians to flee censorship.
And, not like in 1979, there is no such thing as a charismatic chief able to assume the revolutionary mantle. That is, to this point, a motion with out leaders – and revolutions have a tendency to want a figurehead for whom persons are ready to take dangers – a Lenin, Mao, Castro or, as in 1979, an Ayatollah Khomeini.
I have to simply add one caveat right here. One of many major enforcers for the Islamic Republic is the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). If the IRGC determined to stay in its barracks or refused to fireside on protesters if ordered, this might change all the pieces. This refusal to trigger additional bloodshed would have to be widespread and never merely sporadic.
There’s, to date, no indication that that is prone to occur. However the in style fury on the killing of Mahsa Amini – together with the deaths of a number of different younger ladies for the crime of demanding justice and freedom – can solely undermine the crumbling edifice of Iran’s more and more unpopular theocracy.